Progressive narratives and messages must clearly reject notions of neoliberalism and meritocracy. Instead, a path to electoral success for social democracy lies in focusing on narratives of respect for a hard-working middle class as well as a modern and active state that addresses the insecurities of individuals and ensures economic and social stability in times of change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
2. There is a momentum for progressives to shape the messaging around an economically prosperous future for the coming decade(s). <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Throughout the 20th century, there have been several occasions where a new national consensus emerged within British and German societies. With the limits of market-oriented reform policies becoming increasingly evident, there now is a window of opportunity and momentum for progressives in both countries to step in and form a new consensus around the new possibilities and responsibilities for social and economic justice in the wake of the socio-ecological transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 3. Different party systems in Germany and the UK translate into the necessity for different messaging in order to target key electoral groups.<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n Social democrats in Germany will have to centre their message around delivering on the socio-economic transformation, with a particular focus on the working and middle classes \u2013 thus their traditional electoral base. By contrast, the British Labour Party faces little progressive competition and can therefore more easily address voters in a single message that centres around a socio-economic and ecological transition that prioritises the middle and working classes while also effectively combating climate change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 4.<\/strong> Zeitenwende<\/em> significantly sped up the public conversation around investing in the armed forces and transforming the energy sector in Germany.<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n In Germany, the Russian invasion into Ukraine evoked difficult conversations around issues that otherwise would have most likely not been at the top of the agenda: the state of the German military forces and the energy crisis as a consequence of the country\u2019s overwhelming dependence on Russian gas. It forced the SPD and its green and liberal coalition partners to compromise on issues on which they normally have opposing positions. For the FDP, this meant moving away from their initial budget agenda to make \u20ac100 billion available for the modernisation of the armed forces. For the Greens, this meant accepting a historic military investment \u2013 and a break with the party\u2019s pacifist roots. <\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n Jason Cowley published an editorial in The New Statesman based on the roundtable discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\nEditorial in The New Statesman<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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